Questionnaire
1. The Order of Verbs and Arguments
1.1. Verb and object in neutral contexts
The data in this section allow us to classify the language according to the O-V vs. V-O distinction.
(1) What is the context-neutral order of object (O) and verb (V) in simple transitive clauses (without an auxiliary) in a wide focus context?
Alternatives to be checked: O-V / V-O
a) Indefinite O
Prompt: What has happened?
My father bought a new car. (V-O)
*My father a new car bought. (O-V)
Replace by a different tense if necessary
b) Definite O
Prompt: What has happened?
My father sold his car. (V-O)
*My father his car sold. (O-V)
Replace by a different tense if necessary
Explanation: Use a wide focus context, such as induced by 'What's new?' or 'What happened?', as a prompt and check word order in the possible responses. The aim is to obtain a 'thetic' all-new context, uttered 'out of the blue', i.e., without preceding discourse. Feel free to change the tense if the past is periphrastic in your language. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
(2) What is the context-neutral order of O and non-finite V in transitive clauses with a periphrastic tense in neutral contexts if applicable?
Please make sure the sentence contains a finite and a non-finite verb. The finite verb can be a tense auxiliary, a modal verb, or else.
Alternatives to be checked: Vfin-Vnonfin-O / Vnonfin-Vfin-O / O-Vfin-Vnonfin / O-Vnonfin-Vfin / Vfin-O-Vnonfin / Vnonfin-O-Vfin
a) Indefinite O
Prompt: What has happened?
My father has bought a new car. / My father wants to buy a new car. (Vfin-Vnonfin-O)
*My father bought has a new car. / *My father to buy wants a new car. (Vnonfin-Vfin-O)
*My father a new car has bought. / *My father a new car wants to buy. (O-Vfin-Vnonfin)
*My father a new car bought has. / *My father a new car to buy wants. (O-Vnonfin-Vfin)
*My father has a new car bought. / *My father wants a new car to buy. (Vfin-O-Vnonfin)
*My father bought a new car has. / *My father to buy a new car wants. (Vnonfin-O-Vfin)
b) Definite O
Prompt: What has happened?
My father has sold his car. / My father wants to sell his car. (Vfin-Vnonfin-O)
*My father sold has his car. / *My father to sell wants his car. (Vnonfin-Vfin-O)
*My father his car has sold. / *My father his car wants to sell. (O-Vfin-Vnonfin)
*My father his car sold has. / *My father his car to sell wants. (O-Vnonfin-Vfin)
*My father has his car sold. / *My father wants his car to sell. (Vfin-O-Vnonfin)
*My father sold his car has. / *My father to sell his car wants. (Vnonfin-O-Vfin)
Explanation: Please try to re-use the lexical material of (1) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs. Also use the same type of context prompt as in (1) for both (2a) and (2b) but changing the tense as necessary. Please use the same periphrastic tense in (2a) and (2b). Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
Background: Checking for possible effects of finite second constructions in the language, as in S-Aux-O-V / S-V-O languages of Western Africa or Germanic languages.
(3) What is the context-neutral order of O and finite V in embedded transitive clauses?
Please skip if there is no difference with respect to non-embedded examples.
Alternatives to be checked: O-V / V-O
Prompt: What did Mary say?
Mary said that my father bought a new car. (V-O)
*Mary said that my father a new car bought. (O-V)
Explanation: Please try to re-use the lexical material of (1) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs. If you have found variation with respect to the definiteness of the O in (1) and (2), please check the orders with both definites and indefinites. Please try for complement clauses. If there is variability in the presence of complementizers, please check both with and without complementizers. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
Background: In some languages (West Germanic), the linear order in embedded and main clauses is different, in others, a normal order can only be established for the embedded clause.
(4) What is the context-neutral order of O and non-finite V in embedded transitive clauses, if available?
Alternatives to be checked: Vfin-Vnonfin-O / Vnonfin-Vfin-O / O-Vfin-Vnonfin / O-Vnonfin-Vfin / Vfin-O-Vnonfin / Vnonfin-O-Vfin
Prompt: What does Mary think?
Mary thinks that my father has bought a new car. (Vfin-Vnonfin-O)
*Mary thinks that my father bought has a new car. (Vnonfin-Vfin-O)
*Mary thinks that my father a new car has bought. (O-Vfin-Vnonfin)
*Mary thinks that my father a new car bought has. (O-Vnonfin-Vfin)
*Mary thinks that my father has a new car bought. (Vfin-O-Vnonfin)
*Mary thinks that my father bought a new car has. (Vnonfin-O-Vfin)
Explanation: Please try to re-use the lexical material and the periphrastic tense of (2) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs. If you have found variation with respect to the definiteness of the O, please check both definite and indefinite Os. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
(5) What is the position of adverbs (Adv) with respect to O and V in transitive clauses in a wide focus context?
Alternatives to be checked: O-Adv-V / Adv-O-V / V-O-Adv / V-Adv-O / Adv-V-O / O-V-Adv
a) Frequentative (frequently, daily, often)
Prompt: What's new?
*Mary a new portrait frequently paints. (O-Adv-V)
*Mary frequently a new portrait paints. (Adv-O-V)
Mary paints a new portrait frequently. (V-O-Adv)
*Mary paints frequently a new portrait. (V-Adv-O)
Mary frequently paints a new portrait. (Adv-V-O)
*Mary a new portrait paints frequently. (O-V-Adv)
b) Place (here, there)
Mary painted a new portrait there.
c) Manner (slowly, carefully)
Mary painted a new portrait carefully.
d) Time (yesterday, today)
Mary painted a new portrait yesterday.
Explanation: Please check all 6 alternatives in (a–d). Also check with both definite and indefinite O, should you notice a difference. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments. If you use different lexical material, make sure that adverb and verb are compatible (e.g. OKdrive carefully vs. #buy carefully).
(6) What is the position of obliques (X) with respect to O and V in transitive clauses in a wide focus context?
Alternatives to be checked: O-X-V / X-O-V / V-O-X / V-X-O / X-V-O / O-V-X
a) Instruments (with a brush, with a pencil)
Prompt: What's new? / What has happened?
*Mary a portrait [with a brush] painted. (O-X-V)
*Mary [with a brush] a portrait painted. (X-O-V)
Mary painted a portrait [with a brush]. (V-O-X)
*Mary painted [with a brush] a portrait. (V-X-O)
*Mary [with a brush] painted a portrait. (X-V-O)
*Mary a portrait painted [with a brush]. (O-V-X)
b) Place (in the park, at the market)
Mary painted a portrait [in the park].
c) Direction (to the market, towards the hills)
Mary carried a portrait [to the market].
Explanation: Please try to re-use the lexical material of (5) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs. When selecting the oblique, please choose one of the following: adjuncts, adverbial elements, or noun phrases or adpositional phrases marked with adpositions or peripheral case markers that are neither direct nor indirect Os. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
Background: Languages with V-O order usually also show V-O-X order. V-X-O order is unattested and X-V-O order is exceedingly rare (e.g., Mandarin). O-V order shows much more variation: O-X-V / X-O-V / O-V-X.
(7) What is the relative order of Goal (G), Theme (T) and V in ditransitive clauses in a wide focus context?
Alternatives to be checked: G-T-V / T-G-V / G-V-T / T-V-G / V-G-T / V-T-G
Prompt: What has happened?
*Mary my father my book gave. / *Mary to my father my book gave. (G-T-V)
*Mary my book my father gave. / *Mary my book to my father gave. (T-G-V)
*Mary my father gave my book. / *Mary to my father gave my book. (G-V-T)
*Mary my book gave my father. / *Mary my book gave to my father. (T-V-G)
Mary gave my father my book. / *Mary gave to my father my book. (V-G-T)
*Mary gave my book my father. / Mary gave my book to my father. (V-T-G)
Explanation: These are the abbreviations used in typology (e.g., Bickel). G(oal) is typically the recipient or beneficiary (e.g., dative, indirect object), T(heme) is usually the patient argument (e.g., accusative, direct object).
When there are more ways of expressing a goal argument (as in English), please provide the data for all of them. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
Background: In some languages (e.g., some S-O-V-X languages of Western Africa) 'direct' and 'indirect' objects show up on different sides of V.
1.2. Verb and subject in neutral contexts
The data in this section allow us to establish whether the subjectappears in a structurally high or low position in the language.
(8) Can the S- or A-arguments follow V in intransitive andtransitive clauses in wide focus contexts?
Alternatives to be checked: V-S vs. S-V (intransitive) V-A-O / V-O-A / O-V-A vs. A-O-V / O-A-V / A-V-O (transitive)
a) Transitive verbs (kill, beat, pull, stroke)
Prompt: What happened?
My father (reluctantly) killed the spider. (A-V-O)
*(Reluctantly) killed the spider my father. (V-O-A)
*(Reluctantly) killed my father the spider. (V-A-O)
*(Reluctantly) the spider killed my father. (O-V-A) (my father as A)
b) Verbs of appearance (appear, arrive, leave, vanish)
My father (suddenly) arrived. (S-V)
*Arrived (suddenly) my father. (V-S)
c) Unaccusative Verbs (melt, die explode)
The ice (slowly) melted. (S-V)
*Melted (slowly) the ice. (V-S)
d) Unergative Verbs (work, run, dance, pray)
My father worked (slowly). (S-V)
*Worked (slowly) my father. (V-S)
Explanation: These are the labels used in typology (e.g., Bickel, Dixon). An S stands for the single ('subject') core argument in intransitive clauses. An A stands for the most agentive ('subject') argument in transitive clauses.
If the language requires additional material, such as adverbs, feel free to add this. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
(9) Can a theme marked as an S argument follow another argument ina wide focus context?
Alternatives to be checked: S-X vs. X-S
Prompt: What did Mary tell you?
The car pleases my father. (S-X)
*My father pleases the car. (X-S)
a) Psychological V (please, frighten, amuse, surprise)
German
Meinem Vater gefällt das Auto.
my.DAT father please.PRS.3SG the.NOM car
'The car pleases my father.' (X-S)
b) Unaccusative V (suit, fit)
German
Meinem Vater steht der Anzug.
my.DAT father fit.PRS.3SG the.NOM suit
'The suit fits my father.' (X-S)
c) Passive construction
German
Meinem Vater wurde der Anzug geschenkt.
my.DAT father was the.NOM suit given
'The suit was given to my father (as a present).' (X-S)
Explanation: The theme should be marked like an S argument (sole core argument in an intransitive clause). With psych verbs, the theme is the stimulus, i.e., only frighten-type verbs, not fear-type verbs. The stimulus should be inanimate to avoid an agentive reading, such as 'Peter pleases the crowd' with Peter as an agent instead of a stimulus. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
(10) What is the position of temporal adverbs (Temp) with respectto subjects (S) and agents (A) in intransitive and transitiveclauses in wide focus contexts?
Alternatives to be checked: S-Temp-V / Temp-S-V / Temp-V-S / S-V-Temp / V-Temp-S / V-S-Temp (intransitive) A-Temp-V / Temp-A-V / Temp-V-A / A-V-Temp / V-Temp-A / V-A-Temp (transitive)
a) Transitive verbs (kill, beat, pull, stroke)
Prompt: What was the secret that John revealed to you?
*My father yesterday killed the spider. (A-Temp-V)
#Yesterday my father killed the spider. (Temp-A-V, grammatical only as topic)
*Yesterday killed the spider my father. (Temp-V-A)
*My father killed yesterday the spider. / My father killed the spider yesterday. (A-V-Temp)
*Killed the spider yesterday my father. (V-Temp-A)
*Killed the spider my father yesterday. (V-A-Temp)
b) Verbs of appearance (appear, arrive, leave, vanish)
My father arrived yesterday. (S-V-Temp)
c) Unaccusative verbs (melt, die, explode)
The ice melted yesterday. (S-V-Temp)
d) Unergative verbs (work, run, dance, pray)
My father worked yesterday. (S-V-Temp)
Explanation: If the language requires additional material, such as adverbs, feel free to add this. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
(11) What is the position of periphrastic TAM markers(tense/aspect/mood) with respect to 'subjects' (S or A arguments)and verbs in intransitive and transitive declarative clauses, ifavailable?
Alternatives to be checked: S-TAM-V / TAM-S-V / S-V-TAM / TAM-V-S / V-TAM-S / V-S-TAM (intransitive) A-TAM-V / TAM-A-V / A-V-TAM / TAM-V-A / V-TAM-A / V-A-TAM (transitive)
a) Transitive verbs (kill, beat, pull, stroke)
Prompt: Are there any news?
My father will/should kill the spider. (A-TAM-V)
#Will/should my father kill the spider. (TAM-A-V, grammatical only as a question)
*Will/should kill the spider my father. (TAM-V-A)
*My father kill will/should the spider. / *My father kill the spider will/should. (A-V-TAM)
*Kill the spider will/should my father. (V-TAM-A)
*Kill the spider my father will/should. (V-A-TAM, only for Yoda)
b) Verbs of appearance (appear, arrive, leave, vanish)
My father will/should arrive. (S-TAM-V)
c) Unaccusative Verbs (melt, die explode)
The ice will/should melt. (S-TAM-V)
d) Unergative Verbs (work, run, dance, pray)
My father will/should work. (S-TAM-V)
Explanation: TAM refers to auxiliary verbs or particles indicating tense, aspect, or mood categories. Please exclude modes other than declarative (interrogative, imperative etc.), as indicated above with grammatical only as a question. If the language requires additional material, such as adverbs, feel free to add this. Please exclude contrastive focus or topic constructions as well as pronominal arguments.
1.3. Word order variation in non-neutral contexts
This data allows us to establish whether there is a correlationbetween O-V order and the degree of freedom of order among thearguments. We are interested in the effects of information focus,givenness, and contrastive focus and contrastive topicality onword order.
Please make sure your informants judge/produce the sentencesalways relative to the context relevant for the question.
(12) Is there word order variation in which the O precedes the Ain transitive clauses that are marked for information structure?
Alternatives to be checked: A-O-V / A-V-O / V-A-O vs. O-A-V / O-V-A / V-O-A
a) questioned A
Prompt: Who bought a new car?
My father bought a new car. (A-V-O)
*A new car my father bought. (O-A-V)
*A new car bought my father. (O-V-A)
*Bought a new car my father. (V-O-A)
b) questioned O
Prompt: What did your father buy?
My father bought a new car. (A-V-O)
c) contrastive topic, A
Prompt: What did my father buy?
I don't know, but Mary bought a dog. (A-V-O)
d) contrastive topic, O
Prompt: Who bought the cat?
I don't know, but the dog Mary bought. (O-A-V)
e) contrastive focus, correction, A
Prompt: John bought a dog.
No, Mary bought a dog. (A-V-O)
f) contrastive focus, correction, O
Prompt: John bought a dog.
No, John bought a cat. (A-V-O)
Explanation: Please check whether an O can precede an A argument that is marked as topic, contrast, or focus, independent of whether any additional elements can occur in the construction (e.g., adverbs). Avoid mass nouns as objects.
Background: This question addresses the freedom of word order.
(13) Is there word order variation in examples with a theme markedas an S argument that is marked for information structure?
Alternatives to be checked: S-X-V / X-S-V / S-V-X / X-V-S / V-S-X / V-X-S
I. Psychological verbs
a) questioned theme argument
Prompt: What pleases your father?
The car pleases my father. (S-V-X)
b) questioned non-theme argument
Prompt: Who does the car please?
The car pleases my father. (S-V-X)
c) theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: Who does the car please?
I don't know, but the garden pleases my mother. (S-V-X)
d) non-theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: What pleases your father?
I don't know, but the garden pleases my mother. (S-V-X)
e) theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The car pleases your mother.
Not at all! The garden pleases my mother. (S-V-X)
f) non-theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The car pleases your father.
Not at all! The car pleases my mother. (S-V-X)
II. Unaccusative verbs
g) questioned theme argument
Prompt: What fits your father?
The suit fits my father. (S-V-X)
h) questioned non-theme argument
Prompt: Who does the suit fit?
The suit fits my father. (S-V-X)
i) theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: Who does the suit fit?
I don't know, but the skirt fits my mother. (S-V-X)
j) non-theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: What fits your father?
I don't know, but the skirt fits my mother. (S-V-X)
k) theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The suit fits your father.
Not at all! The coat fits my father. (S-V-X)
l) non-theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The suit fits your father.
Not at all! The suit fits my brother. (S-V-X)
III. Passive constructions
m) questioned theme argument
Prompt: What was given (to) my father?
The suit was given (to) my father. (S-V-X)
n) questioned non-theme argument
Prompt: Who was given the suit (to)?
The suit was given (to) my father. (S-V-X)
o) theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: Who was given a suit (to)?
I don't know, but the skirt was given (to) my mother. (S-V-X)
p) non-theme is contrastive topic
Prompt: What was given (to) your father?
I don't know, but the skirt was given (to) my mother. (S-V-X)
q) theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The suit was given (to) your father.
Not at all! The coat was given (to) my father. (S-V-X)
r) non-theme is contrastive focus
Prompt: The suit was given (to) your father.
Not at all! The suit was given (to) my brother. (S-V-X)
Explanation: Please try to re-use the lexical material of (9) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs.
Background: This question addresses possibilities of scrambling and freedom of word order.
(14) Is there word order variation in ditransitive clauses that ismarked for information structure?
Alternatives to be checked: G-T-V / T-G-V / G-V-T / T-V-G / V-G-T / V-T-G
a) questioned T argument
Prompt: What did Mary give to your father?
Mary gave a book to my father. (V-T-G)
b) questioned G argument
Prompt: Who did Mary give a book to?
Mary gave a book to my father. (V-T-G)
Explanation: These are the abbreviations used in typology (e.g., Bickel). G is typically the recipient or beneficiary (e.g., dative), T is usually the patient argument (e.g., accusative).
Please try to re-use the lexical material of (7) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs.
(15) Is there word order variation in the positioning of obliques(X) with respect to O and V in transitive clauses that is markedfor information structure?
Please try to re-use the lexical material of (6) if possible, so that we get minimal pairs.
Alternatives to be checked: O-X-V / X-O-V / V-O-X / V-X-O / X-V-O / O-V-X
I. Instruments
a) questioned O argument
Prompt: What did Mary paint with a brush?
Mary painted a portrait with a brush. (V-O-X)
b) questioned X
Prompt: With what did Mary paint a portrait?
Mary painted a portrait with a brush. (V-O-X)
II. Place
c) questioned O argument
Prompt: What did Mary paint in the park?
Mary painted a portrait in the park. (V-O-X)
d) questioned X
Prompt: Where did Mary paint a portrait?
Mary painted a portrait in the park. (V-O-X)
III. Direction
e) questioned O argument
Prompt: What did Mary carry to the market?
Mary carried the portrait to the market. (V-O-X)
f) questioned X
Prompt: Where did Mary carry the portrait (to)?
Mary carried the portrait to the market. (V-O-X)
Explanation: Obliques include adverbial elements or oblique Os marked with adpositions or peripheral case markers.
(16) Is there word order variation in the positioning of temporaland locative adverbs that is marked for information structure?
Alternatives to be checked: V-Temp-Loc / V-Loc-Temp / Temp-Loc-V / Loc-Temp-V / Temp-V-Loc / Loc-V-Temp
a) neutral context
Prompt: What secret did John reveal?
?Mary lit a candle yesterday here. (V-Temp-Loc)
Mary lit a candle here yesterday. (V-Loc-Temp)
*Mary yesterday here lit a candle. (Temp-Loc-V)
*Mary here yesterday lit a candle. (Loc-Temp-V)
?Mary yesterday lit a candle here. (Temp-V-Loc)
*Mary here lit a candle yesterday. (Loc-V-Temp)
b) questioned Temp
Prompt: When did Mary light a candle here?
?Mary lit a candle yesterday here. (V-Temp-Loc)
Mary lit a candle here yesterday. (V-Loc-Temp)
*Mary yesterday here lit a candle. (Temp-Loc-V)
*Mary here yesterday lit a candle. (Loc-Temp-V)
Mary yesterday lit a candle here. (Temp-V-Loc)
*Mary here lit a candle yesterday. (Loc-V-Temp)
c) questioned Loc
Prompt: Where did Mary light a candle yesterday?
Mary lit a candle yesterday here. (V-Temp-Loc)
Mary lit a candle here yesterday. (V-Loc-Temp)
*Mary yesterday here lit a candle. (Temp-Loc-V)
*Mary here yesterday lit a candle. (Loc-Temp-V)
?Mary yesterday lit a candle here. (Temp-V-Loc)
*Mary here lit a candle yesterday. (Loc-V-Temp)
Explanation: If there are no adverbs, try phrases with adpositions or peripheral cases instead (in the morning, in the church).
Background: The relative order of temporal and locative expressions has often been claimed to correlate with the O-V/V-O distinction.
(17) Is there word order variation in the positioning of temporaland manner adverbs that is marked for information structure?
Alternatives to be checked: V-Temp-Manner / V-Manner-Temp / Temp-Manner-V / Manner-Temp-V / Temp-V-Manner / Manner-V-Temp
a) neutral context
Prompt: What did John tell you?
#Mary lit a candle yesterday carefully. (V-Temp-Manner)
Mary lit a candle carefully yesterday. (V-Manner-Temp)
Mary yesterday carefully lit a candle. (Temp-Manner-V)
*Mary carefully yesterday lit a candle. (Manner-Temp-V)
?Mary yesterday lit a candle carefully. (Temp-V-Manner)
Mary carefully lit a candle yesterday. (Manner-V-Temp)
b) questioned Temp
Prompt: When did Mary light a candle carefully?
?Mary lit a candle yesterday carefully. (V-Temp-Manner)
Mary lit a candle carefully yesterday. (V-Manner-Temp)
#Mary yesterday carefully lit a candle. (Temp-Manner-V)
?Mary carefully yesterday lit a candle. (Manner-Temp-V)
#Mary yesterday lit a candle carefully. (Temp-V-Manner)
Mary carefully lit a candle yesterday. (Manner-V-Temp)
c) questioned Manner
Prompt: How did Mary light a candle yesterday?
Mary lit a candle yesterday carefully. (V-Temp-Manner)
Mary lit a candle carefully yesterday. (V-Manner-Temp)
#Mary yesterday carefully lit a candle. (Temp-Manner-V)
?Mary carefully yesterday lit a candle. (Manner-Temp-V)
Mary yesterday lit a candle carefully. (Temp-V-Manner)
Mary carefully lit a candle yesterday. (Manner-V-Temp)
Background: This is a control check for (16).
(18) Can objects of an embedded transitive clause occur in thematrix clause?
Alternatives to be checked: Oembedded-Smatrix-V-embedded clause / Smatrix-Oembedded-V-embedded clause / Smatrix-Oembedded-(Xmatrix)-embedded clause-V / Oembedded-Smatrix-(Xmatrix)-embedded clause-V
Prompt: The teacher said yesterday [that the children should bring pencils for the exam].
*No, pens the teacher said yesterday, [that the children should bring for the exam].
*No, the teacher pens said yesterday, [that the children should bring for the exam].
*No, the teacher pens yesterday [that the children should bring for the exam] said.
*No, pens the teacher yesterday [that the children should bring for the exam] said.
Russian
Vchera uchitel'nica skazala, [chto studenty dolzhny prinesti karandash na ekzamen].
yesterday teacher.FEM say.PST.3SG.FEM that student.PL need.PL bring.INF pencil on exam
'Yesterday the teacher said that the students should bring a pencil to the exam.'
Russian
Net, ruchku vchera uchitel'nica skazala, [chto studenty dolzhny prinesti __ na ekzamen].
no pen.ACC yesterday teacher.FEM say.PST.3SG.FEM that student.PL need.PL bring.INF on exam
'No, it was the pen that the teacher said yesterday that the students should bring to the exam.'
Explanation: Please use a context where the object is in a contrastive focus position.
(19) Does the language have the 'wh-scope marking' construction?
a) Plain example
Context: The police is investigating in a criminal case.
*What does the detective think [who the criminal killed yesterday]?
Intended: 'Who does the detective think, that the criminal killed yesterday?'
b) Embedded example
Context: The police is investigating in a famous criminal case.
*A journalist knows, what the detective thinks [who the criminal killed yesterday].
Intended: 'The journalist knows, who the detective thinks that the criminal killed yesterday.'
Explanation: Working definition of 'wh-scope marking': A dummy interrogative (often 'what' but also 'how' etc.) can be used in the matrix clause to question a constituent from an embedded clause. Make sure that the embedded interrogative is morphologically distinct from the possible dummy element. This is not grammatical in English, but, e.g., is in Hindi:
Siitaa-ne kyaa socaa [ki ravii-ne kisko dekhaa?]
Sita-ERG what thought [that Ravi-ERG who saw]
'Who did Sita think that Ravi saw?'
Note: 'What did Sita think? Who did Ravi see?' (Fanselow)
Background: Wh-scope marking constructions seem to be restricted to O-V languages.
(20) Can a subconstituent of an NP be discontinuous from the headof the NP?
a) displaced part of NP is given information, displacement to the left
If O = (NP X1 B X2)
Alternatives to be checked: B-(Y)-S-(object X1-X2)-V / S-B-(Y)-(object X1-X2)-V / B-(Y)-S-V-(object X1-X2) / S-B-(Y)-V-(object X1-X2) / B = extracted element; Y = optional elements, such as adverbs
Prompt: [What kind of book about birds] did the professor buy yesterday?
*About birds (yesterday) the professor [an encyclopedia __] bought. (B-(Y)-S-(obj X1-X2)-V)
*The professor (yesterday) about birds [an encyclopedia __] bought. (S-B-(Y)-(obj X1-X2)-V)
?*About birds (yesterday) the professor bought [an encyclopedia __]. (B-(Y)-S-V-(obj X1-X2))
*The professor (yesterday) about birds bought [an encyclopedia __]. (S-B-(Y)-V-(obj X1-X2))
German
[ein Lexikon über Vögel]
a encyclopedia about birds (unmarked word order)
Über Vögel hat der Professor [ein Lexikon __] gekauft.
about birds has the professor a encyclopedia bought
'The professor bought an encyclopedia about birds.'
b) displaced part of NP is contrastive topic, displacement to the left
Prompt: Did the professor buy [a magazine about cats] yesterday?
I do not know, but…
*…about birds (yesterday) the professor [a book __] bought. (B-(Y)-S-(obj X1-X2)-V)
*…the professor (yesterday) about birds [a book __] bought. (S-B-(Y)-(obj X1-X2)-V)
?*…about birds (yesterday) the professor bought [a book __]. (B-(Y)-S-V-(obj X1-X2))
*…the professor (yesterday) about birds bought [a book __]. (S-B-(Y)-V-(obj X1-X2))
German
Das weiß ich nicht, aber über Vögel hat der Professor [ein Buch __] gekauft.
that know I not but about birds has the professor a book bought
'That I do not know but the professor bought a book about birds.'
c) displaced part of NP is contrastive focus, displacement to the left
Prompt: The professor bought [a book about cats] yesterday.
*No! About birds (yesterday) the professor [a book __] bought. (B-(Y)-S-(obj X1-X2)-V)
*No! The professor (yesterday) about birds [a book __] bought. (S-B-(Y)-(obj X1-X2)-V)
?*No! About birds (yesterday) the professor bought [a book __]. (B-(Y)-S-V-(obj X1-X2))
*No! The professor (yesterday) about birds bought [a book __]. (S-B-(Y)-V-(obj X1-X2))
German
Nein! Über Vögel hat der Professor [ein Buch __] gekauft.
no about birds has the professor a book bought
'No! The professor has bought a book about birds.'
d) displaced part of NP is given information, displacement to the right
Alternatives to be checked: S-(X1-X2)-V-(Y)-B / S-(X1-X2)-(Y)-V-B / S-(X1-X2)-(Y)-B-V / S-V-(X1-X2)-(Y)-B
Prompt: [What kind of book about birds] did the professor buy yesterday?
*The professor [a book __] bought (yesterday) about birds. (S-(obj X1-X2)-V-(Y)-B)
*The professor [a book __] (yesterday) bought about birds. (S-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-V-B)
*The professor [a book __] (yesterday) about birds bought. (S-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-B-V)
The professor bought [a book __] (?*yesterday) about birds. (S-V-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-B)
German
? Gestern hat der Professor [ein Buch __] gekauft über Vögel.
yesterday has the professor a book bought about birds
'Yesterday the professor bought a book about birds.'
e) displaced part of NP is contrastive topic, displacement to the right
Prompt: [What kinds of books about animals] did the professor buy yesterday?
*The professor [a book __] bought (yesterday) about birds and [a comic about cats]. (S-(obj X1-X2)-V-(Y)-B)
*The professor [a book __] (yesterday) bought about birds and [a comic about cats]. (S-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-V-B)
*The professor [a book __] (yesterday) about birds bought and [a comic about cats]. (S-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-B-V)
The professor bought [a book __] (?*yesterday) about birds and [a comic about cats]. (S-V-(obj X1-X2)-(Y)-B)
German
Gestern hat der Professor [ein Lexikon __] gekauft über Vögel und [einen Comic über Katzen].
yesterday has the professor a encyclopedia bought about birds and a.ACC comic about cats
'Yesterday the professor bought an encyclopedia about birds and a comic about cats.'
Explanation: Please check for the displacement of adpositional phrases and NPs with peripheral cases (e.g., locative). Make sure that the adpositional phrase cannot be (mis-)interpreted as an adjunct of V (as it could be in the woman wrote (a book) about plants).
Alternative examples that could be used:
the child found [a letter from his grandfather]
the king resented [a question about the lost war]
2. Pronominals
2.1 Obligatoriness
(21) Can referential subject pronouns be omitted?
The crucial subject position should be part of an embedded clause, if possible.
a) Coreference with a previously mentioned person
Prompt: Which languages does the new teacher speak?
I think that she speaks Chinese, Hindi, and English.
*I think that Ø speaks Chinese, Hindi, and English.
b) Binding by the matrix subject
Prompt: What does Zhangshan think about himself?
Zhangshan thinks that he is very clever.
*Zhangshan thinks that Ø is very clever.
(22) Can referential O pronouns be omitted?
a) Coreference with a previously mentioned entity
Prompt: Is the new furniture already there?
Yes, I believe that the delivery company brought it yesterday.
*Yes, I believe that the delivery company brought Ø yesterday.
b) Binding by the matrix subject
Prompt: Who expects to be successful in the school competition?
Gülçan says that the math teacher will nominate her for the prize.
*Gülçan says that the math teacher will nominate Ø for the prize.
c) Semantic binding
Prompt: Who expects to be successful in the school competition?
Everyone says that the math teacher will nominate them for the prize.
*Everyone says that the math teacher will nominate Ø for the prize.
Background: Omission of objects has been claimed to correlate with S-O-V order.
2.2 Impersonal constructions
(23) Are there active predicates lacking any contentful argument?
Alternatives to be checked: subjectless / expletive subject pronoun / pseudo argument / other
English
It is raining. (expletive subject pronoun)
Italian
Piov-e.
rain-3SG.PRS
'It is raining.' (Literally 'rains') (subjectless)
Manchu (Tungusic)
aga aga-mbi.
rain rain-IPFV
'It is raining.' (literally 'rain rains') (pseudo argument)
Explanation: Try for atmospheric predicates such as 'to rain' or 'to snow'.
(24) Are there active predicates with one contentful argument thatdoes not, however, bear the subject role?
Alternatives to be checked: subjectless / expletive subject pronoun / other
a) Experiential verb
German
Mich friert.
1SG.ACC freezes
'I feel cold.' / 'I am freezing.' (Fanselow)
b) Intransitive verb
German
Es hat ihn hingehauen.
it has 3SG.ACC down.struck
'He fell.' (Fanselow)
c) Existential
German
Es gibt einen Fisch im Teich.
it gives a.ACC fish in.the.DAT pond
'There is a fish in the pond.' (Fanselow)
Explanation: What is the structure these predicates are constructed with?
(25) What happens with the subject position if the subject doesnot appear in its canonical position (displaced subject)?
a) Displaced (extraposed) sentential subject
Alternatives to be checked: canonical subject position left unfilled / insertion of expletive pro-noun / other
Plain: [To teach linguistics] is fun.
*Is fun [to teach linguistics]. (subject position unfilled)
It is fun [to teach linguistics]. (insertion of expletive pronoun)
Plain: [That Bill won the prize] does not matter to me.
*Does not matter to me [that Bill won the prize]. (subject position unfilled)
It does not matter to me [that Bill won the prize]. (insertion of expletive pronoun)
Plain: [That you have come] pleases me.
*Pleases me [that you have come]. (subject position unfilled)
It pleases me [that you have come]. (insertion of expletive pronoun)
Plain: [Learning German] annoys me.
*Me annoys [learning German]. (subject position unfilled)
*It annoys me [learning German]. (insertion of expletive pronoun)
b) Dislocated noun phrase subject (in focal contexts)
Alternatives to be checked: canonical subject position left unfilled / insertion of expletive pro-noun / insertion of locative pronoun / other
Prompt: What happened thereafter? / What's new?
Plain: [A zebra] was shot.
*Was shot [a zebra]. (subject position unfilled)
It was shot [a zebra]. (insertion of expletive pronoun)
There was [a zebra] shot. (insertion of locative pronoun)
Plain: [A man from India] came in.
There came in [a man from India]. (insertion of locative pronoun)
Plain: [An apple cake] stands on the table.
There stands [an apple cake] on the table. (insertion of locative pronoun)
c) Impersonal passives
Does the language have a passive construction? yes / no
If yes, can passivisation lead to a constellation without a contentful subject? yes / no
If yes, alternatives to be checked: without subject / with an expletive subject / other
German
dass dem Kind geholfen worden ist
that the.DAT child helped been is
'that the child was helped' (without subject)
French
il a été dansé
it has been danced
'There was dancing.' (literally: 'It was danced.') (with an expletive subject)
(26) Reconstruction of binding: How do subject and object interactwith respect to the interpretation of pronominals?
Alternatives to be checked: Possessor = non-pronominal NP / personal possessive pronoun / reflexive pronoun
a) Can the possessor of a subject be coreferential with the object?
I believe that hisi doctor killed Johni. (possessor = personal possessive pronoun)
I believe that John'si doctor killed himi. (possessor = non-pronominal NP)
b) Can the possessor of an object be coreferential with the subject?
I believe that the doctori killed hisi patient. (possessor = personal possessive pronoun)
*I believe that shei killed Mary'si doctor. (possessor = non-pronominal NP)
(27) What is the connection between order and grammatical functionin the binding of possessives?
Alternatives to be checked: pronominal possessor / reflexive possessor / other
a) Subject before object, possessor part of object
I believe that every personi loves his/her/theiri mother.
b) Subject before object, possessor part of subject
*I believe that hisi mother loves every personi.
('For every person: I believe that his mother loves him.')
c) If possible; Object before subject, possessor part of subject
German
Ich glaube, dass jeden Menscheni seinei Mutter liebt.
I believe that every.ACC person.ACC his mother loves
'For every person: I believe that his mother loves him.'
d) If possible; Object before subject, possessor part of object
German
Ich glaube, dass seine Mutter jeder Mensch liebt.
I believe that his mother every.NOM person loves
'For every person: I believe that every person loves his mother.'
Explanation: Please use an embedded construction if possible.
3. Operators and Movement: Content Questions
(28) Placement of interrogatives in content questions
Alternatives to be checked: movement of the interrogative phrase to the left periphery / movement to the left, but not necessarily to the periphery / interrogative phrase remains in situ / interrogative phrase in preverbal position / displacement to the right (often connected with a cleft-like structure)
a) Asking for a subject in a transitive clause
Who painted a portrait yesterday?
b) Asking for a subject in an intransitive clause
Who worked yesterday?
c) Asking for a direct object
What did Mary paint yesterday?
d) Asking for an indirect object
Who did Mary give the portrait to?
e) Time adverbial
When did Mary paint the portrait?
f) Manner adverbial
How did Mary paint the portrait?
Background: This addresses movement (and scrambling) of interrogative phrases, which is more common in V-O languages than in O-V languages (except for perhaps South America and Australia).
(29) Multiple questions
a) Can more than one constituent be questioned in the same clause?
Prompt: I know that several things were proposed at the meeting yesterday. Please tell me more:
Who proposed what?
b) Can an object interrogative precede a subject interrogative?
If (29.a.) has a positive answer!
Prompt: I see so many gifts! Tell me:
German
Was hat wer mitgebracht?
what[.ACC] has who.NOM brought
c) What is the order of manner and object interrogative?
If (29.a.) has a positive answer!
Alternatives to be checked: object > manner / manner > object / other
Prompt: I have heard that Anna has several techniques of fixing different kinds of things. Tell me:
What does Anna fix how? (Object > Manner)
How does Anna fix what? (Manner > Object)
Explanation: Make sure, e.g., by using a context of the sort given above, that neither of the question words has an echo-question interpretation. Other constructional types include, e.g., coordination (what did she fix, and how?).
Please use only interrogative pronouns, not complex expressions (such as which person).
If interrogative phrases go to the right in the language, please check in what order the two phrases can be arranged.
Background: Presence/absence of superiority effects in S-V-O vs. S-O-V languages
(30) Weak Crossover: Can a fronted interrogative phrase bind apronoun?
a) Interrogative phrase = subject; pronoun embedded in the object
Whoi betrayed even hisi mother in the civil war?
b) Interrogative phrase = object; pronoun embedded in the subject
*Whoi did even hisi mother betray?
German
Weni hat sogar seinei Mutter verraten?
who.ACC has even his mother betrayed
('Who was even betrayed by his mother?')
(31) Questioning parts of objects
a) Can an object be extracted from an object complement clause?
What did Harry say [that Anna had bought __]?
b) Can a subject be extracted from an object complement clause?
*Who did Harry say [that __ had bought an umbrella]?
c) Can a possessor be extracted from an object NP?
*Whose did Mary buy [__ book]?
(cf. Mary bought Peter's book.)
d) Can a PP be extracted from an object NP?
German
Von wem hat Anna [die Eltern __] getroffen?
of whom has Anna the parents met
'Who did Anna meet the parents of?'
German
Über wen hat Anna [ein Buch __] gekauft?
about whom has Anna a book bought
'Who did Anna buy a book about?'
(32) Can an object be extracted from a transitive adjunct clause?
a) *What did Mary weep [after she had lost __ on her trip]?
(cf. Mary wept [after she had lost her wedding ring on her trip].)
b) *What would Peter weep [if he lost __]?
(cf. Peter would weep [if he lost his wedding ring].)
(33) Subject islands
If the language allows extractions from object clauses (31a)
a) Can an object be moved out of a subject clause that sits in its canonical position?
*What did [that Jane bought __] please you?
(cf. That Jane bought a cat pleased me.)
*What would [to have to bring __] create a problem for you?
(cf. To have to bring a cat would create a problem for me.)
b) Can an object be moved out of a subject clause that does not sit in its canonical position?
What did it please you [that Jane bought __]?
(cf. That Jane bought a cat pleased me.)
What would it create a problem for you [to have to bring __]?
(cf. To have to bring a cat would create a problem for me.)
c) Can a possessor be extracted from a subject in its canonical position?
If a possessor can be extracted from an NP (31c)
*Whose did __ dog chase the sheep?
(cf. Whose dog chased the sheep?)
d) Can a possessor be extracted from a subject that is not in its canonical position?
If a possessor can be extracted from an NP (31c)
*Whose did (there) bark __ dog?
(cf. Whose dog barked?)
e) Can a PP be extracted from a subject in its canonical position?
If a PP can be extracted from an NP (31d)
i.
*Of whom did the parents __ complain to the principal?
(cf. The parents of Harold complained to the principal.)
ii.
*About what did a book __ appear?
(cf. A book about grammar appeared.)
f) Can a PP be extracted from a subject that is not in its canonical position?
If a PP can be extracted from an NP (31d)
i.
*Of whom did (there) complain to the principal the parents __?
(cf. The parents of Harold complained to the principal.)
ii.
*About what will there have a book __ appeared?
(cf. A book about grammar will have appeared.)
Background: Languages with V-O order often display a subject-object asymmetry with respect to extraction.
4. Contrastive Focus
(34) Movement of contrastive focus: Can a contrastively focusedobject be moved to the left periphery?
Prompt: Mary bought a cat yesterday.
No! A computer Mary bought __ yesterday.
(35) Weak crossover: Can a contrastively focused argument bind apronoun?
If you could establish islandhood and crossover constraints in section 3 already, you can skip this section and move on to (39). Otherwise, if the language can (optionally) front a contrastive focus.
a) Contrast = subject; pronoun embedded in the object
Prompt: I had already heard some stories about parents betraying their children, but I was really shocked to learn that Bill betrayed his daughter.
No! John betrayed his daughter.
b) Contrast = object; pronoun embedded in the subject
Prompt: I had already heard some stories about children betraying their parents, but I was really shocked to learn that his own daughter betrayed Bill.
*No! John his daughter betrayed.
(36) Contrasting parts of objects
If you could establish islandhood and crossover constraints in section 3 already, you can skip this section and move on to (39). Otherwise, if the language can (optionally) front a contrastive focus.
a) Can an object be extracted from an object complement clause?
Prompt: Bill must have believed [that Mary bought a cat at the market].
No! A dog he believed [that Mary bought __ at the market].
b) Can a subject be extracted from an object complement clause?
Prompt: Bill must have believed [that Mary bought a cat at the market].
*No! Jane he believed [that __ bought a cat at the market].
c) Can a possessor be extracted from an object NP?
Prompt: Bill bought [Mary's bike] at the market.
*No! Jane's Bill bought [__ bike] at the market.
d) Can a PP be extracted from an object NP?
i.
Prompt: Mary has met the parents of Fritz.
German
Nein! Von Hans hat Mary [die Eltern __] getroffen.
no of Hans has Mary the parents met
'No, Mary met the parents of Hans.'
ii.
Prompt: Mary has bought a book about birds.
German
Nein! Über Katzen hat Mary [ein Buch __] gekauft.
no about cats has Mary a book bought
'No, Mary bought a book about cats.'
(37) Can an object be extracted from an adjunct clause?
If you could establish islandhood and crossover constraints in section 3 already, you can skip this section and move on to (39). Otherwise, if the language can (optionally) front a contrastive focus.
a)
Prompt: Mary wept [after she had lost her wedding ring on her trip].
*No! Her mother's necklace Mary wept [after she had lost __ on the trip].
b)
Prompt: Peter would weep [if he lost his wedding ring].
*No! His father's watch Peter would weep [if he lost __].
(38) Subject islands
If you could establish islandhood and crossover constraints in section 3 already, you can skip this section and move on to (39). Otherwise, if the language can (optionally) front a contrastive focus.
Only if the language allows extractions of contrastive foci from object clauses (36a)
a) Can an object be moved out of a subject clause that sits in its canonical position?
i.
Prompt: [That Jane bought a cat] pleased her children.
*No! A dog (last year) [that Jane bought __] pleased her children.
ii.
Prompt: [To have to bring some wine] created a problem for Bill.
*No! Some beer (last year) [to have to bring __] created a problem for Bill.
b) Can an object be moved out of a subject clause that does not sit in its canonical position?
i.
Prompt: It pleased her children [that Jane bought a cat].
*No! A dog it pleased her children [that Jane bought __].
ii.
Prompt: It created a problem for Bill [to have to bring some wine].
*No! Some beer it created a problem for Bill [to have to bring __].
c) Can a possessor be extracted from a subject in its canonical position?
If a possessor can be extracted from an NP (36c)
Prompt: The priest's dog chased the sheep.
*No! The shopowner's (yesterday) [__ dog] chased the sheep.
d) Can a possessor be extracted from a subject that is not in its canonical position?
If a possessor can be extracted from an NP (36c)
Prompt: *There chased the sheep [the priest's dog]. (grammatical in some languages)
*No! The shopowner's there chased the sheep [__ dog].
e) Can a PP be extracted from a subject in its canonical position?
If a PP can be extracted from an NP (36d)
i.
Prompt: [The parents of Harold] complained to the principal.
No! Of Emma [the parents __] complained to the principal.
ii.
Prompt: [A book about grammar] appeared!
No! About logic [a book __] appeared.
f) Can a PP be extracted from a subject that is not in its canonical position?
If a PP can be extracted from an NP (36d)
i.
Prompt: *There complained to the principal [a brother of Harry].
*No! Of William there complained to the principal [a brother __].
ii.
Prompt: There appeared [a book about grammar].
No! About logic there appeared [a book __].
Background: Languages with (S-)V-O order often display a subject-object asymmetry with respect to extraction.
5. Formation of Relative Clauses
(39) Are there relative pronouns and if yes, are they placed inthe clausal periphery?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please specify
a) Subject relativized in object NP
We met a man [who came from India].
b) Object relativized in object NP
The students read the book [which the teacher had recommended].
(40) Are there correlative relative clauses (or any otherinternally headed relative clauses)?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please specify
Korku (Austroasiatic)
[jo kitaabo tebal-à-liɲ-en ɖoò-k-en] ɖii (kitaabo) iɲ-àʔ hoy.
which book table-GEN-on-LOC put/keep-INTNSV-ITR.PST that book 1SG-GEN COP
'The book put/kept on the table is mine.' (Zide)
Explanation: Working definition of correlative relative clauses: an internally headed restrictive relative clause in the left periphery, followed by a main clause with a resumptive element (bi-clausal construction). Please exclude non-restrictive cases as well as cases without head nouns (e.g., The more the merrier.). For English, this is only attested in a variety in South Africa: South African Indian English (Mesthrie & Dunne). But now, [which-one principal came here], she's just cheeky like the other one.
Background: Both correlative relative clauses (only common in South Asia and West Africa) and internally headed relative clauses (common in North America) show some cross-linguistic connection to O-V order.
6. The Verbal Domain
6.1. The VP
(41) Can the verb be fronted alone in a periphrastic tense/modalconstruction when it is contrasted or given?
As in questions (2) and (4), please make sure the sentence contains a finite and a non-finite verb. The finite verb can be a tense auxiliary, a modal verb, or else.
a) Given verb
Prompt: What will/must Bill steal from who?
?Steal Bill will/must __ a book from Mary.
or
Prompt: Bill will/must certainly steal a computer from Jane.
?No! Steal Bill will/must __ a book from Mary.
or
Prompt: Bill wanted/had to steal a book from Mary, and …
?steal Bill will/must ___ a book from Mary.
German
Bill wird der Maria ein Buch stehlen.
Bill will the.DAT Mary a.ACC book steal
'Bill will steal a book from Mary.'
German
Stehlen wird Bill der Maria ein Buch __.
Steal will Bill the.DAT Mary a.ACC book
b) Contrasted verb
Prompt: Bill will/must certainly buy the book from Mary.
*No! Steal Bill will/must __ the book from Mary
German
Stehlen wird Bill der Maria das Buch!
steal will Bill the Mary the book
Explanation: Here and in the other cases of this section, please try to make sure that the various constructions are not the result of the combination of independent reorderings of, e.g., verb and object, but stem from a single process affecting a VP constituent.
Please make sure that the fronted verb contains no tense-related material such as finite inflection or an independent infinitive marker such as English to.
In some languages, the fronting may imply the insertion of a dummy verb: *Read, he did a book.
In some languages, we may see a doubling of verb: *Read, he read the book.
Background: This is to test whether the VP forms a constituent to the exclusion of the subject. In S-V-O languages, the subject is expected to not be part of the VP.
(42) Can the verb be fronted together with the direct object in aperiphrastic/modal construction when it is contrasted or given?
As in questions (2) and (4), please make sure the sentence contains a finite and a non-finite verb. The finite verb can be a tense auxiliary, a modal verb, or else.
a) Given verb
Prompt: Who will/must steal the book?
Steal the book, Bill will/must __.
or
Prompt: Bill will/must certainly steal the book from Mary.
*No! Steal the book Bill will/must from __ Jane.
or
Prompt: Bill wanted to steal a book from Mary, and …
*steal a book Bill will/must __ from Mary.
German
Das Buch stehlen wird Bill der Maria.
the.ACC book steal will Bill the.DAT Maria
b) Contrasted verb
Prompt: Bill will/must send the book to Mary!
*No! Steal the book Bill will/must __ from Mary.
German
Das Buch stehlen wird Bill der Maria.
the.ACC book steal will Bill the.DAT Maria
(43) Can the verb be fronted together with all objects in aperiphrastic/modal con-struction when it is contrasted or given?
As in questions (2) and (4), please make sure the sentence contains a finite and a non-finite verb. The finite verb can be a tense auxiliary, a modal verb, or else.
a) Given verb
Prompt: Who will/must give the book to Mary?
Give the book to Mary, John will/must __.
or
Prompt: Bill will/must certainly give the book to Mary tomorrow.
*No! Give the book to Mary Bill will/must __ only next week.
or
Prompt: Bill wanted to give a book to Mary, and …
*give a book to Mary Bill will/must __.
German
Das Buch der Maria stehlen wird Bill __.
the.ACC book the.DAT Mary steal will Bill
b) Contrasted verb
Prompt: Bill will/must steal the book from Mary!
*No! Give the book to Mary, Bill will/must.
German
Das Buch der Maria stehlen wird Bill __.
the.ACC book the.DAT Mary steal will Bill
(44) Can a passivized verb be fronted together with a subject in aperiphrastic/modal construction when it is contrasted or given?
a) Given subject
Prompt: To whom was the book given?
*Given the book was to Mary.
*The book given was to Mary.
or
Prompt: The book was certainly given to Mary.
*No! Given the book was to Jane.
*No! The book given was to Jane.
or
Prompt: The book needs to be given to Mary and …
*given the book will be to Mary.
*the book given will be to Mary.
German
Das Buch gestohlen ist mir noch nie worden
the.ACC book stolen is me yet never been
'The book has never been stolen from me.'
b) Contrasted subject
Prompt: A book was stolen from Mary!
*No! Stolen a cat was from Mary.
*No! A cat stolen was from Mary.
German (regional)
Das Buch gestohlen ist der Maria worden.
the.ACC book stolen is the.DAT Mary been
'The book has been stolen from Mary.'
(45) Can an unaccusative verb be fronted together with the subjectin a periphrastic/modal construction when it is contrasted orgiven?
As in questions (2) and (4), please make sure the sentence contains a finite and a non-finite verb. The finite verb can be a tense auxiliary, a modal verb, or else.
a) Given verb and subject
Prompt: Will/can there arise any problems?
*Problems arise will/can there certainly not.
or
Prompt: There certainly will/can arise many problems!
*No! Problems arise will/can there never.
or
Prompt: Problems could certainly arise in such a constellation, and …
*Problems arise there will/must.
German
Probleme entstehen (sagte sie) werden dabei sicher nicht.
problems arise said she will.3PL therewith certainly not
'She said that problems will certainly not arise with that.'
b) Contrasted verb and subject
Prompt: Certainly, there will/must arise a good opportunity for profit when temperatures rise!
*No! Catastrophes happen will/must there often in such a case.
German
Ein Unglück geschehen wird in so einem Fall öfter.
a catastrophe happen will in such a case occasionally
'A catastrophe will occasionally occur in such a case.'
(46) Can a transitive verb be fronted together with the subject ina periphrastic/modal construction when it is contrasted or given?
a) Given verb and subject
Prompt: Will/could a dog ever bite him?
*No, a dog bite will/can (there) him never.
German
Ein Hund beißen (sagte er) wird ihn nie.
a.NOM dog bite said he will him never
'He said that he has never been bitten by a dog.'
b) Contrasted verb and subject
Prompt: I am sure that cats will/can scratch him in the animal shelter all the time.
*No! Dogs bite will/can him (there) all the time.
(47) Is there ellipsis of the non-finite verb and its object?
Mary will write a book and John will write a book too.
Mary will write a book and John will __ too.
Mary will write a book and John will do so, too.
Replace by a different tense if necessary
Explanation: Can non-finite verb + object be elided as a constituent, to the exclusion of the subject? Is there a pro-form replacing the verb + object constituent?
Background: This addresses the constituency of object and verb.
6.2. Restructuring verbs
(48) What is the position of TAM marking words and the lexical Vrelative to each other when there are three such elements in theclause?
T1 = finite TAM-word, selecting
T2 = non-finite TAM-word, selecting
Y = any additional element that can be inserted
V = (non-finite) verb
a) What are the options in a main clause?
Alternatives to be checked: T1 (Y) T2 (Y) V / T1 (Y) V (Y) T2 / T2 (Y) T1 (Y) V / T2 (Y) V (Y) T1 / V (Y) T2 (Y) T1 / V (Y) T1 (Y) T2
T1 T2 V
Linda may have seen a cat.
Linda will have seen a cat.
Linda must have seen a cat.
German
Linda wird das Buch lesen müssen.
Linda will the book read must
T1 Y V T2
'Linda will have to read the book.'
b) What are the options in an embedded clause?
Alternatives to be checked: [T1 (Y) T2 (Y) V] / [T1 (Y) V (Y) T2] / [T2 (Y) T1 (Y) V] / [T2 (Y) V (Y) T1] / [V (Y) T2 (Y) T1] / [V (Y) T1 (Y) T2]
I think [that Linda may have seen a cat].
German
Ich denke, [dass Linda das Buch lesen müssen wird].
I think that Linda the book read must will
V T2 T1
'I think that Linda will have to read the book.'
c) What are the options in an infinitive clause?
Alternatives to be checked: [T1 (Y) T2 (Y) V] / [T1 (Y) V (Y) T2] / [T2 (Y) T1 (Y) V] / [T2 (Y) V (Y) T1] / [V (Y) T2 (Y) T1] / [V (Y) T1 (Y) T2]
German
Es ist schön [das Buch lesen gedurft zu haben].
it is nice the book read be.allowed to have
V T2 T1
'It is nice to have been allowed to read the book.'
Explanation: In some languages, different results arise for tense and modal elements, as in German. If adjacency is required for any pair of T1, T2, and V in (48.a-c.),, please specify.
(49) What is the relative order of the Vs in a construction with amain V selecting a non-finite clause? (Restructuring vs.non-restructuring Vs)
Alternatives to be checked: V1-(Y) V2 / V2-(Y) V1
If the language shows no alternation of V placement between main and embedded clause, please only work with main clause constructions as in (49.a.ii.). Otherwise, apply the test with the embedded version, as in (49.a.i). This applies to all examples in (49).
a) to try
i.
I think that Mary tries to win the race.
V1 V2
ii.
Mary tries to win the race.
V1 V2
b) to begin
I think that Mary begins to read the book.
V1 V2
c) to dare
I think that Mary dares to read the book.
V1 V2
d) to want
I think that Mary wants to read the book.
V1 V2
e) to promise
I think that Mary promises to read the book.
V1 V2
f) to seem
I think that Mary seems to read the book.
V1 V2
g) to see
I think that Mary saw Bill read the book.
V1 (Y) V2
h) to let
I think that Mary lets Bill read the book.
V1 (Y) V2
i) to make
I think that Mary makes Bill read the book.
V1 (Y) V2
j) to regret
I think that Mary regrets to have read the book.
V1 V2
Explanation: There may be more than one order, as in German:
Ich glaube, [dass Mary das Rennen zu gewinnen versucht].
I believe that Mary the race to win tries
Ich glaube, [dass Mary das Rennen versucht zu gewinnen].
I believe that Mary the race tries to win
'I believe that Mary tries to win the race.'
(50) In a periphrastic TAM construction, can V1 and V2 move as aunit for a transitive V2?
Peter has tried to read a book.
TAM V1 V2
Please always try both prompts.
a) to try
Prompt 1: I think Peter has tried to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter read a book.
*No! Tried to read Peter has a book!
b) to begin
Prompt 1: I think Peter has begun to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter finished a book.
*No! Begun to read Peter has a book!
c) to dare
Prompt 1: I think Peter has dared to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter gave away a book.
*No! Dared to read Peter has a book!
d) to want
Prompt 1: I think Peter has wanted to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter gave away a book.
*No! Wanted to read Peter has a book!
e) to promise
Prompt 1: I think Peter has promised to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter has read a book.
*No! Promised to read Peter has a book!
f) to seem
Prompt 1: I think Peter has seemed to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Peter has certainly not read a book.
*No! Seemed to read Peter has a book!
g) to see
Prompt 1: I think Linda has seen him read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Linda heard a rumour that he read a book.
*No! Seen read Linda has him a book!
h) to let
Prompt 1: I think Linda has let Peter read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Linda has forbidden Peter to read a book.
*No! Let read Linda has Peter a book!
i) to make
Prompt 1: I think Linda has made Peter read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Linda has forbidden Peter to read a book.
*No! Made read Linda has Peter a book!
j) to regret
Prompt 1: I think Linda has regretted to read a magazine!
Prompt 2: I think Linda has always loved reading a book.
*No! Regretted to read Linda has a book.
Explanation: When V1 and V2 move together, the object should be left behind.
Recall that some languages may want to insert a dummy in this context (*Tried to read, he has done a book) or resort to doubling (Tried to read, he has tried to read a book). Please control for this option in all examples of (50).
(51) Can an argument A2 of V2 be separated from V2 by anargument/adjunct A1 of V1, or by V1 itself?
He has several times tried to kill the rat.
A1 V1 V2 A2
Try to make the matrix adverb as incompatible as possible with the embedded verb. There should be no contrastive focus on the direct O.
Please note that A1 is an argument or adjunct of V1; and A2 is an argument or adjunct of V2.
Alternatives to be checked: A2-A1-V1-V2 / A2-A1-V2-V1 / A2-V1-A1-V2 / A2-V1-V2-A1 / A1-A2-V1-V2 / V1-A2-A1-V2 / V2-V1-A2-A1 / V2-A1-A2-V1 / V2-V1-A1-A2 / V1-V2-A1-A2 / V2-A1-V1-A2 / A1-V2-V1-A2
a) to try
Prompt: Has Bill forgotten about the rat?
*No! Bill has the rat several times tried to kill. (A2-A1-V1-V2)
German
Bill hat die Ratte mehrfach zu töten versucht.
Bill has the.ACC rat several.times to kill tried
'Bill tried to kill the rat several times.' (A2-A1-V2-V1)
b) to begin
Prompt: Has Bill forgotten about the dirty kitchen?
*No! Bill has the dirty kitchen already begun to clean. (A2-A1-V1-V2)
c) to dare
Prompt: Has Bill never dared to invite the king?
*Sure! Bill has the king never dared to invite. (A2-A1-V1-V2)
d) to want
Prompt: Has Bill often wanted to kill the king?
*Sure! Bill has the king often wanted to kill. (A2-A1-V1-V2)
e) to promise
Prompt: Whom did Bill promise to eat the cake?
*Bill has the cake promised his daughter to eat. (A2-V1-A1-V2)
f) to seem
Prompt: To whom may Bill seem to eat the cake?
*Bill may the cake seem to his daughter to eat. (A2-V1-A1-V2)
g) to see
Prompt: Whom will Bill see eat the cake?
*HeBill will the cake see his daughter eat. (A2-V1-A1-V2)
h) to let
Prompt: Whom will Bill let eat the cake?
*Bill will the cake let his daughter eat. (A2-V1-A1-V2)
i) to make
Prompt: Whom will Bill make eat the cake?
*Bill will the cake make his daughter eat. (A2-V1-A1-V2)
(52) Can negation (Neg) scope over the matrix verb V1 when it isplaced between V2 and an argument of V2?
He (has) never tried (several times) to kill the rat.
Neg V1 A1 V2 A2
Please note that A1 is an argument or adjunct of V1; and A2 is an argument or adjunct of V2.
Alternatives to be checked: A2-Neg-V2-V1 / V2-Neg-A2-V1 / V1-A2-Neg-V2 / V1-V2-Neg-A2
a) to try
Prompt: Bill tried to kill the rat.
No. Bill (has) never tried to kill the rat.
*No. Bill (has) the rat never to kill tried. (A2-Neg-V2-V1)
*No. Bill (has) to kill never the rat tried. (V2-Neg-A2-V1)
*No. Bill (has) tried the rat never to kill. (V1-A2-Neg-V2)
*No. Bill (has) tried to kill never the rat. (V1-V2-Neg-A2)
German
Bill hat die Ratte nie zu töten versucht.
Bill has the.ACC rat never to kill tried
'Bill never tried to kill the rat.' (A2-Neg-V2-V1)
b) to begin
Prompt: Bill has forgotten to clean the dirty kitchen.
No. Bill has never forgotten to clean the dirty kitchen.
*No! Bill has the dirty kitchen never to clean forgotten. (A2-Neg-V2-V1)
c) to dare
Prompt: Bill has dared to invite the king.
No. Bill never dared to invite the king.
*No. Bill has the king never to invite dared. (A2-Neg-V2-V1)
d) to want
Prompt: Bill (often) wanted to kill the king?
No. Bill never wanted to kill the king.
*No. Bill the king never to kill wanted. (A2-Neg-V2-V1)
e) to promise
Prompt: Bill promised (his daughter) to eat the cake.
No. Bill never promised (his daughter) to eat the cake.
*No. Bill the cake never to eat promised (his daughter). (A2-Neg-V2-V1-(A1))
f) to seem
Prompt: Bill may seem (to his daughter) to eat the cake.
No. Bill never seemed (to his daughter) to eat the cake.
*No. Bill may the cake never to eat seem (to his daughter). (A2-Neg-V2-V1-(A1))
g) to see
Prompt: Bill will see (his daughter) eat the cake.
No. Bill will never see his daughter eat the cake.
*No. Bill will the cake never eat see (his daughter). (A2-Neg-V2-V1-(A1))
h) to let
Prompt: Bill will let (his daughter) eat the cake.
No. Bill will never let (his daughter) eat the cake.
*No. Bill will the cake never eat let (his daughter). (A2-Neg-V2-V1-(A1))
i) to make
Prompt: Bill will make (his daughter) eat the cake.
No. Bill will never make (his daughter) eat the cake.
*No. Bill will the cake never eat make (his daughter). (A2-Neg-V2-V1-(A1))
Explanation: Try to avoid cases in which the negator does not have scope over V1. For instance, the following German example is grammatical, but the negation has scope over V2 instead:
Bill hat versucht die Ratte nie zu töten.
Bill has tried the.ACC rat never to kill
'Bill (has) tried to never kill the rat.'
(53) Does the language allow raising?
*[That Peter cooks well] tries to please you.
[That Peter cooks well] seems to please you.
Explanation: Please check for typical raising verbs, such as 'to seem' or 'to appear'.
Background: Raising might be connected to V-O.
6.3. Further issues
(54) Are there light verb constructions?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please add examples
Persian
sar kardan
head/start do
'to begin'
Persian
darost kardan
right do
'make correct, prepare'
Persian
az bar kardan
from memory do
'learn by heart' (Windfuhr & Perry)
Explanation: Light verbs refer to semantically bleached verbs used productively with a wide range of different nouns, such as Persian kardan 'to do, to make'.
Background: There is a potential connection to difference in vocabulary size, with O-V possibly using more light verbs to compensate for a smaller vocabulary (cf. Polinsky).
(55) Are there serial verb constructions?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please add examples
Mandarin
wǒ zuò chē qù mǎi shū.
1SG sit car go buy book
'I take a bus to go and buy books.'
Explanation: Working definition of serial verb construction: 'a monoclausal series consisting of multiple independent verbs with no element linking them and with no predicate argument relation between the verbs' (Haspelmath)
Background: There might be a correlation with V-O order.
(56) How are adverbial subordinate clauses marked?
Alternatives to be checked: subordinator / 'converb' / other
Do the subordinate clauses precede or follow the main clause? Sub-Main / Main-Sub
Evenki (Tungusic)
[D'u-la-vi eme-mi] ulle-ve dev-d'enge-s.
house-ALL-POSS come-CVB meat-ACC eat-FUT-2SG
'When/If (you) come home, (you) will eat meat.'
'(You) will eat meat when/if (you) come home' (Nedjalkov)
Evenki: converb, Sub-Main
English: subordinator, Sub-Main/Main-Sub
Explanation: Working definition of 'converb' (CVB): 'a nonfinite verb form whose main function is to mark adverbial subordination' (Haspelmath). Please include verbal suffixes independent of whether they are referred to as 'converbs' in the literature (other terms include 'gerunds' etc.).
Please note whether there is an additional distinction of 'switch reference'. For example, the Evenki converb suffix -mi is of the 'same subject' type.
Background: There might be a correlation of converbs as defined here with O-V order. The order of subordinate clause and main clause might correlate with O-V/V-O.
(57) How is the coordination of clauses accomplished?
Alternatives to be checked: conjunction / clause chaining / juxtaposition / other
If there is a dependent clause, does it precede or follow the main clause? Sub-Main / Main-Sub
Evenki (Tungusic)
Etyrken (bira-tki ngene-d'ene) [umnet dylgan-ma doldy-ksa] [ugiski iche-kse] [il-la-n].
old.man river-ALL go-CVB suddenly voice-ACC hear-CVB upwards look.at-CVB stand.up-NFUT-3SG
'The old man (while going to the river) suddenly heard the voice, (and) looked upwards, and stood still.' (Nedjalkov)
Evenki: clause chaining, preceding
English: conjunctions, no dependent clause
Explanation: Working definition of 'clause chaining': The coordination of clauses is accom-plished not with conjunctions, such as and, but with the help of special verb forms that are not fully finite (e.g., Longacre). These are also sometimes referred to as 'Asian converbs' (e.g., Bickel).
In Evenki, the fully specified verb is il-la-n, which is marked for tense and person. The dependent and non-fully specified verbs are marked with the 'converb' -ksA, only indicating anteriority and 'same subject'.
If the language uses 'converbs' for both clause chaining and adverbial subordination (56), please describe whether this is accomplished with the same or different forms.
Background: There might be a correlation of clause chaining with O-V order. The order of dependent clause and main clause might also correlate with O-V/V-O.
(58) How are alternative questions formed?
Alternatives to be checked: disjunction / one marker on each alternative / both / other
Evenki (Tungusic)
Inmek-tu-s burduka-vu, kolobo-vu?
bag-DAT-2SG.POSS flour-Q bread-Q
'Is there flour or bread in your bag?' (Nedjalkov)
Explanation: Please check whether the disjunction can also be used outside of alternative questions (as in English). If there is one marker occurring on each alternative, please check whether this has other functions, such as being used for polar questions (as in Evenki).
Background: There might be a correlation of O-V with one marker on each alternative and of V-O with disjunctions.
(59) Are there 'mermaid' constructions?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no
Form: [[Clause] Noun Copula]
Japanese (Japonic)
[Ima Hanako=ga dekake-ta] tokoro=da.
now Hanako=NOM go.out-PST place=COP.NPST
'Hanako has just gone out now.'
Literally: '[Hanako went out now] a place is.' (Tsunoda)
Explanation: According to Tsunoda, mermaid constructions are:
(a) mono-clausal despite having an embedded clause and usually have the form [[Clause] Noun Copula] as in the Japanese example.
They are furthermore characterized by the following features:
(b) The Noun is an independent word (not a clitic) that is a noun.
(c) The subject of the Clause and the Noun are non-coreferential.
'(d) The Clause can be used as a sentence by itself.
(e) The Clause is not the subject of the 'Noun + Copula'.'
Please check for nouns such as 'plan', 'place', or 'appearance'.
Background: Mermaid constructions are almost exclusively attested in languages with (S-)O-V order and largely restricted to Eurasia. Please also include quasi-mermaid constructions that might differ from the prototype in several respects (e.g., using existentials instead of copulas).
7. Clausal Arguments
(60) Can complement clauses be finite withadverbial/object/subject function?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please specify
I am not sure [when he will come].
I have seen [that he came yesterday].
[That he has never opened a newspaper] is entirely unsurprising.
Explanation: Please check for different types of complement clauses.
Background: Languages with O-V order are suspected to be more likely to prescribe the choice of non-finite ('deranked') verb forms than V-O-languages.
(61) Can/must a clausal argument be extraposed?
German (plain)
dass ich dir [dass Maria Portraits malt] schon tausendmal gesagt habe
that I you.DAT that Mary portraits paint.PRS.3SG already thousand.times said have
'that I already told you a thousand times that Mary paints portraits'
German (extraposed)
dass ich dir schon tausendmal gesagt habe [dass Maria Portraits malt]
that I you.DAT already thousand.times said have that Mary portraits paint.PRS.3SG
(62) Can/must a clausal argument be fronted?
Prompt: What has happened?
German (fronted)
#[Dass sein Vater ein Auto gekauft hat] hat Frank zugegeben.
that his father a.ACC car bought has has Frank admitted
'That his father bought a car, Frank admitted.'
German (cf. non-fronted)
*Frank hat [dass sein Vater ein Auto gekauft hat] zugegeben.
Frank has that his father a.ACC car bought has admitted
8. Marking and Properties of Nominal Arguments
(63) What type of marking is there for nominal arguments?
Alternatives to be checked: head-marking / dependent-marking / both / unmarked
a) intransitive
nominal argument
The man walks (up the stairs). (head-marking)
pronominal argument
He walks (up the stairs). (head- and dependent-marking)
b) transitive
nominal argument
Mary hates Peter. (head-marking)
pronominal argument
He hates me. vs. I hate him. (head- and dependent-marking)
c) ditransitive
nominal argument
The man gives a dog to the boy. / The man gives the boy a dog. (head- and dependent-marking)
pronominal argument
He gives a dog to him. / He gives him a dog. (head- and dependent-marking)
Explanation: Dependent marking mostly refers to case marking (e.g., accusative, ergative, dative etc.) and adpositions while head-marking refers to verbal agreement indicating person or number (Nichols).
English has morphological dependent-marking in pronouns (e.g., he vs. him) only and head-marking only in third person.
(64) What is the type of alignment comparing intransitive andtransitive clauses?
Alternatives to be checked: accusative / ergative / neutral / tripartite
a) nominal arguments
accusative alignment: S marked like A (head-marking)
The man walks (up the stairs).
S
The man buys a dog.
A O
b) pronominal arguments
accusative alignment: S marked like A (head- and dependent-marking), O is different (dependent-marking)
He walks (up the stairs).
S
He hates me.
A O
Explanation: Accusative alignment refers to the same marking of S and A (e.g., nominative, unmarked), while O has a different marking (e.g., accusative). In ergative alignment, S is marked like O (e.g., absolutive, unmarked), while A has a different marking (e.g., ergative). In a neutral alignment, all three (S, A, O) remain unmarked morphologically. In tripartite alignment, all three have different marking.
Please check for both head-marking (verbal agreement) and dependent-marking (case marking) and indicate whether there is a difference in alignment of the two.
Please indicate whether there is some sort of split phenomenon in which pronouns or a set of nouns behave differently.
Background: Ergativity seems to be more common in languages with O-V order.
(65) What type of 'pivot' does the language have, if any?
Alternatives to be checked: S/A-pivot / S/O-pivot
a) English has an S/A-pivot
The man walks around the corner and (the man) sees a cat.
S
A (A) O
b) English has no S/O-pivot
*The man walks around the corner and a cat sees (the man).
S
O A (O)
Explanation: This is the terminology used by Dixon for alignment in the combination of two clauses (intransitive and transitive). Due to ellipsis of the identical element in the (coordinated) clauses, the first occurrence has a double role of S and either A or O, depending on the language. English has an S/A-pivot. Passive (or antipassive) in the transitive clause often allows otherwise impossible combinations (e.g., … and (the man) is seen by a cat.).
(66) Is there differential object marking?
Spanish
veo [la casa]
'I see the house.'
Spanish
veo [a la mujer]
'I see the woman.'
Explanation: Please check for O-splits (differential object marking) and similar phenomena for other grammatical relations, including S, A, T, and G. For instance, English has a split based on word class (pronouns vs. nouns), Spanish based on animacy of the noun, Turkish based on definiteness etc.
(67) Is there any overt marking for information structure?
a) Topic
Miyako (Japonic, Hayato Aoi)
kure=e ngi.
this=TOP umbrella.tree
'As for this, (it) is an umbrella tree.'
b) Focus
Miyako (Japonic, Hayato Aoi)
kur=ga=du ngi.
this=NOM=FOC umbrella.tree
'THIS is an umbrella tree.'
Explanation: Please indicate whether there is any split in these markings depending on, for example, clause type.
(68) Are there articles and if yes, what is the relative positionof article and head noun?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes: Art-N / N-Art
a dog, the dog
Explanation: Please indicate whether there is a distinction of definite and indefinite articles.
Article is defined as an element which accompanies a noun and has indefinite or definite function. It can be either bound (affix) or unbound (free morpheme).
Please indicate if the indefinite article is identical to the numeral 'one'.
Background: There is a weak correlation of the presence of articles in V-O languages. Additionally, there is a weak correlation of Art-N with V-O and of N-Art with O-V.
(69) Is modification by adjectives iterable in the NP?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please specify
I enjoy large, fresh, creamy vanilla cakes.
(70) Can the nominal head of an NP be discontinuous from ademonstrative, numeral, or quantifier?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes, please specify
German
drei Bücher
three books
'three books'
German
Bücher habe ich drei __ gekauft.
books have.1SG.PRS I three bought
'Books, I bought three.'
Explanation: Please check for demonstratives (this, these), numerals (two, three), and quantifiers (all, many).
9. Additional Background Information
(71) Is there a class of adjectives and if yes, what is theirrelative order with respect to the head noun?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes: Adj-N / N-Adj
(a) yellow hat (Adj-N)
*(a) hat yellow (N-Adj)
Background: Probably no correlation with O-V/V-O, but Eurasia often has O-V and Adj-N.
(72) What is the relative order of adnominal demonstrative,quantifier, and head noun?
a) Demonstratives
Alternatives to be checked: Dem-N / N-Dem
this book (Dem-N)
*book this (N-Dem)
Background: Probably no correlation with O-V/V-O, but Eurasia often has O-V and Dem-N.
b) Demonstratives and quantifiers
Alternatives to be checked: Quant-Dem-N / Dem-Quant-N / Dem-N-Quant / Quant-N-Dem / N-Dem-Quant / N-Quant-Dem
all these books (Quant-Dem-N)
*these all books (Dem-Quant-N)
*these books all (Dem-N-Quant)
*all books these (Quant-N-Dem)
*books these all (N-Dem-Quant)
*books all these (N-Quant-Dem)
Background: There might be a correlation of O-V with N-Quant and possibly of V-O with Quant-N outside of Africa. Furthermore, in languages with V-O order, the quantifier is often placed outside of the demonstrative (further away from the head noun).
(73) What is the relative order of numeral, (classifier,) and headnoun?
Alternatives to be checked: Num-N / N-Num (without classifier); Num-Clf-N / Clf-Num-N / N-Num-Clf / N-Clf-Num (with classifier)
three books (Num-N)
*books three (N-Num)
Mandarin
sān běn shū
three CLF book
'three books' (Num-Clf-N)
Explanation: If the language has classifiers, please also indicate the relative order of numeral and classifier and whether classifiers are obligatory. Num-N-Clf and Clf-N-Num are unattested.
Background: Probably no correlation with O-V/V-O, but Eurasia often has O-V and Num-N.
(74) What is the relative order of adnominal demonstratives,adjectives, and numerals in a noun phrase?
Alternatives to be checked: Dem-Adj-Num-N, …
these three green books (Dem-Num-Adj-N)
*three these green books, …
Background: This addresses the cross-categorial 'harmony' and mirror image effects before and after the head noun.
(75) What is the relative order of adnominal interrogative andhead noun?
Alternatives to be checked: Int-N / N-Int
what/which book (Int-N)
*book what/which (N-Int)
Background: Correlations are still unclear, yet O-V & Int-N is common in Eurasia.
(76) What is the relative position of genitive and noun?
Alternatives to be checked: Gen-N / N-Gen
English (Dryer)
the box's cover (Gen-N)
*the cover the box's (N-Gen)
the cover of the box (N-Gen)
*of the box the cover (Gen-N)
Background: O-V tends to Gen-N order and V-O to N-Gen; languages with S-V-O order show no such correlation, although S-V-O & N-Gen is common in Africa.
(77) What is the relative position of adposition and noun phrase?
Alternatives to be checked: Adp-NP / NP-Adp
in the house (Adp-NP)
*the house in (NP-Adp)
Explanation: If there are both pre- and postpositions, what is the semantic distribution? For example, are locative adpositions preposed?
Background: O-V correlates with NP-Adp and V-O with Adp-NP.
(78) What is the relative position of complementizer and clause?
Alternatives to be checked: Clause-Comp / Comp-Clause
(She knows) [that] [this man loves her]. (Comp-Clause)
*(She knows) [this man loves her] [that]. (Clause-Comp)
Background: V-O correlates with Comp-Clause and O-V with Clause-Comp.
(79) What is the relative order of copula and copula complement incopula clauses?
Alternatives to be checked: CC-Cop / Cop-CC
(This) is a book. (Cop-CC)
*(This) a book is. (CC-Cop)
(The book) is yellow. (Cop-CC)
*(The book) yellow is. (CC-Cop)
Explanation: CC is the copula complement (Dixon), also referred to as 'predicate'.
Background: O-V correlates with CC-Cop and V-O with Cop-CC.
(80) Is there a sentence-initial or -final polar question marker?
Alternatives to be checked: yes / no; if yes: Clause-Q / Q-Clause
Mandarin
nǐ chī fàn le ma?
2SG eat rice PFV Q
'Have you eaten (yet)?' (yes; Clause-Q)
Explanation: Not to be confused with question tags (e.g., right?) or interrogative pronouns (e.g., who).
Background: O-V correlates with Clause-Q and V-O with Q-Clause, but S-V-O shows a mixed pattern.
(81) Are there externally headed relative clauses and if yes, whatis their position with respect to the head noun?
Alternatives to be checked: yes/no; if yes: Rel-N / N-Rel
the car [that was just stolen] (yes; N-Rel)
*[that was just stolen] the car (Rel-N)
Background: V-O correlates with N-Rel while no such correlation exists for O-V.
(82) What is the relative order of standard, marker, and adjectivein comparative constructions?
Alternatives to be checked: (1) St-Ma / Ma-St, (2) St-Adj / Adj-St
better than me (Adj-Ma-St)
*than better me (Ma-Adj-St)
*me better than (St-Adj-Ma)
*better me than (Adj-St-Ma)
*than me better (Ma-St-Adj)
*me than better (St-Ma-Adj)
Explanation: 'Marker' refers to, for example, English than and not to any form of comparative marking on the adjective, such as -er or more, e.g. [more expensive] [than] [Switzerland].
Background: Usually, word orders are Adj-Ma-St in V-O languages and St-Ma-Adj in O-V, but the two variables can be independent of each other (e.g., Ma-St-Adj in Mandarin). It is more appropriate to say that Adj-St & Ma-St correlate with V-O and St-Adj & St-Ma with O-V.
(83) What is the relative order of subordinate and main/matrixclause?
Alternatives to be checked: Sub-Main / Main-Sub
Because it is snowing, I will stay at home. (Sub-Main)
I will stay at home because it is snowing. (Main-Sub)
Background: Sub-Main correlates with O-V and Main-Sub with V-O, although there is some freedom.
(84) What is the relative order of plural word and head noun, ifavailable?
Alternatives to be checked: Pl-N / N-Pl
Abui (Timor-Alor-Pantar)
neng loku
man PL
'the men' (N-Pl) (Kratochvíl)
Background: V-O shows no clear correlation to this feature, but O-V correlates with N-Pl. In English only available for pronouns.
(85) What is the relative order of subordinator and clause, ifavailable?
Alternatives to be checked: Sub-Clause / Clause-Sub
… since the accident happened … (Sub-Clause)
*… the accident happened since … (Clause-Sub)
Explanation: Please check for 'since', 'when', or 'because'.
Background: Sub-Clause correlates with V-O, Clause-Sub slightly less so with O-V.
(86) What is the word order in appositions?
Alternatives to be checked: Nspecific-Nschematic / Nschematic-Nspecific
a) Title
King George (Nschematic-Nspecific)
*George King (Nspecific-Nschematic)
b) Relation
my friend Tom (Nschematic-Nspecific)
*Tom my friend (Nspecific-Nschematic)
c) Toponym
river Danube (Nschematic-Nspecific)
Danube river (Nspecific-Nschematic)
Background: Hackstein assumes a correlation of O-V with Nspecific-Nschematic order in appositions.